LA ABUELA
LA ABUELA CUICATECA.
THE PROVENIENCE AND CONTENTS OF THE PORFIRIO DIAZ AND FERNANDEZ LEAL CODICES: SOME NE
THE PROVENIENCE AND CONTENTS OF THE PORFIRIO DIAZ AND FERNANDEZ LEAL CODICES: SOME NEW DATA AND ANALYSIS.
Eva Hunt.
The Codices Porfirio Diaz and Fernandez Leal have not been satisfactorily analyzed as to content, nor have their origins been explained. New data relevant to their history are presented, establishing a definite Cuicatec origin and content. They were utilized in a court case (ca. 1562) concerning nobility succession rights. Historical sections contain dates of founding and conquest of Cuicatec towns. Toponymics written in hieroglyphics, in Spanish, and in Cuicatec using the Latin alphabet mark Cuicatec district landscape features still called by the same names. The codices cover approximately 260 years and correlate with a written docu- ment. Where, how, and why the codices were created and mutilated is discussed, and evidence is presented which corrects previous analyses. Eva Hunt, Department of Anthropology, Boston University, Boston, MA 02215 673
AMERICAN ANTIQUITY In the year of 1944, reviewing a publication of the newly rediscovered Cuicatec Codex Fernandez Leal, the great Mesoamericanist scholar R. H. Barlow said that "The picture codices are things of great(er) dignity: they are the record of how one branch of the human race warred and measured the stars, ate and prayed to stone gods" (R. H. Barlow 1944:384). In the same review, Barlow complained politely but with bitterness that many people treated the Mesoamerican codices without anchoring them in real geography or history, as if they were products of a "Cloud- Cuckoo-Land with a stop-over in East Shangri-La." This was true of many codices, particularly until recent times, before the publication of some recent research such as Caso's (e.g., 1960) and Smith's (1973) works and of the valuable Hand- book of Middle American Indians volumes on ethnohistory (Wauchope and Cline 1972-1975). Like many people, I became attracted to the codices, and in the old days we spent many years search- ing the literature, studying and reading, swimming through innumerable pages of trash together with valuable analysis, because we had no guides to our search, no sign posts for the proper direc- tion. At the same time, the codices attracted a motley collection of fanatics, madmen, fools, and simply misdirected anthropologists who thought that reaching the solutions they searched for just took a few weeks of training. Even in the cases of true scholars, many mistakes have been made in the analysis of codex materials; the great Seler was known to use pure imagination when lacking in facts. The Fernandez Leal Codex that Barlow was reviewing in 1944, and the parallel codex of which I write in this paper, the Porfirio Diaz, have related histories that witness a tragic destiny of misunder- standing, theft, misreading, improper transcription, poor documentation, and fanciful if not simp- ly absurd or ludicrous analysis. This paper is a first attempt at combating the morass of errors that have accumulated about these 2 small codices, which have been seldom studied and poorly analyzed. I should start the story at the beginning. In the year 1562, a noblewoman from the town of Tepeucila, named (in Spanish) Catarina Salome, in the New Spain province of Cuicatlan, took a case to the Spanish courts to insure the rights of succession of her minor son, less than 20 years old, to his father's and her husband's cacicazgo (see Archivo de Microfilm, 1562). This would have assured her the tribute which the Spanish crown had assigned to her nobleman husband. She had been dispossessed by a coalition between a kinsman of her own consanguineal line who held rights of rulership over some of the Tepeucila territories and a half brother of her dead husband who, although "only a minor branch of the nobility" (probably an illegitimate son), claimed succession rights to the cacicazgo title. After a few preliminaries, it became clear to the scribes and judges of the court that the case was quite complicated. First, it involved some jurisdictional rights over a major irrigation source in the territory of the city state of Papalo. Second, the 2 noble lines had taken different sides of the factional issue. Third, the 2 lines belonged to different ethnic groups, one was a Mazatec, the other a Cuicatec "royal line." Fourth, the only way to solve the conflict was to bring in a large number of expert witnesses, who were acquainted with the long history of the case and had memorized their own oral history. A discussion of this case can be found in a previous work of mine (Hunt 1972). Among the people involved were some old men, Caciques (lords) and tequitlatos (stewards) of hamlets of the city state, and 2 codex painters, who had apparently prepared, ca. 1545, 2 separate copies of manuscript pictorial documents to prove the legitimate royal history of the Cuicatec descent line. With these 2 picture documents, Donfia Catarina Salome's husband and his father had obtained the original tasacion, that is, the title rights to tribute for noblemen, which the Spaniards acknowledged for them. These pictorial codices, containing as the witnesses said "histories of town foundations, births, cacique marriages, deaths, wars, successions, and many other topics"' had been in the possession of Donfia Catarina together with the tasacion title until her competitor (her husband's half brother), according to her, had stolen them from her and defaced or mutilated them, in an attempt to destroy the evidence against his side of the court case (Archivo de Microfilm, 1562). Donia Catarina and her son were able to win the court case because they had on their side all old, respected, and trustworthy witnesses, including the noblemen of all nearby city states. The 674 [Vol. 43, No. 4,1978]
REPORTS written documents were kept in the public archive of the Papalo capital until the anthropologist R. Weitlaner took them to the National Museum in Mexico City in 1956. What happened to the pic- torial documents remained a mystery until this century. At the end of the nineteenth century, the District of Cuicatlan, of the now independent nation of Mexico, state of Oaxaca, had a Political Chief whose name was Don Benjamin Ladron de Guevara. This gentlemen was of obscure origins. Some people in Cuicatlan claim he was the ille- gitimate son of a priest; others claim that he was an acculturated Mixtec Indian from Cuyamecalco, in the interior of the Cuicatec District. He was a good businessman, became rich, and was appointed Jefe Politico. He also became a good friend of Martinez Gracida, a scholar and politican, with whom he had some business dealings in Cuicatec land expropriations and in the building of the Puebla-Oaxaca railroad (see Archivos del uzgado de Cuicatln). He helped Mar- tinez Gracida by writing the Cuicatec section of the famous book Cuadros Sinopticos . . de Oaxaca (1883). He also became a collector of Cuicatec memorabilia, including old written or painted documents. From these he created for himself a (fictional) past in which he became descendant of the noble cacique lines of Quiotepec named Monjaras. It is irrelevant if he was or ws not a descendant of caciques. The point is that he at one time owned (1) the single-page Codice Quiotepec, (2) a large bulk of cacique succession cases from six- teenth and seventeenth century Spanish courts, (3) a will testament and history of the Monjaras family of Quiotepec, and (4) the 2 codices, the Tira (strip) Fernandez Leal and2 the screenfold Por- firio Diaz. The 3 painted codices he gave to his friend Martinez Gracida, as a gift, to publish in honor of Porfirio Diaz. Actually, 1 codex was published and named after Diaz; another, the Quiotepec, was named after Martinez Gracida. While these 2 were placed in the National Museum, the third, the Fernandez Leal, disappeared. It was found again in a bank vault on the west coast of the U.S., and it has been reproduced only once since that discovery. The Ladron de Guevara family kept the other written documents of the collection until 1957. One of these contains over these ovepages ar 300 pages:beautiful, the froolorent pages a beautifulgenealogical tree, in the European manner, of the cacique lines of Quiotepec and Cuicatlan. Donia Guadalupe Guevara, the elderly daughter of Don Ladron the Guevara, allowed Professor Roberto Weitlaner and me to see the top of the documents, but the following year, when I attempted to copy some of them and microfilm them with the aid of Martinez Marin of the Museo Nacional of Mexico, she refused us access to them for fear that we would "expropriate them for the government in lieu of taxes." When I returned to the field in the early 1960s, I contacted the family again and discovered that Donia Lupe was alive but had moved to Mexicalli; no one in the younger generation knew where the "old papers" had been put away. They are now probably either eaten by termites or sold to some secret collector. In the meantime, the Porfirio Diaz and the Fernandez Leal codices were reproduced near the beginning of this century in facsimile lithographs (see Penafiel 1895; Chavero 1892). One returned to the National Museum in Mexico (the Porfirio Diaz), while the other (the Fernandez Leal) was stolen, sold in the United States, and (as mentioned above) disappeared until rediscovered years later. Now it is at the Bancroft Library of the University of California. I have suggested to the director and curator that some provisions be made to protect the codex colors from further fading. The codex is kept between layers of acrylic shaped in a horizontal S pattern the same length as the strip. The acrylic hangs from the ceiling with chains, and since it is in a secretaries' room, in the lobby to the director's office, it has been exposed to both natural and fluorescent lights without filters. The copy is in poor condition, the leather having been sewn and resewn many times with different kinds of cotton (ixtle?) and/or linen thread. Moreover, the original skin was not well prepared, is bumpy, and has many natural holes. Some of these, at some point in the colonial past, were covered with paper of European-style colonial manufacture, which was sewn to the leather. I was not able to observe this in detail or determine in each case the material used, because the method of displaying the codex makes it impossible to handle the strip. Both codices have been reproduced in print, in lithograph form, but the reproduction is poor by today's standards, since some written text was left out, colors are dubious, and drawings are sometimes ambiguous. For the time at which they were printed, however, these are very fair 675
AMERICAN ANTIQUITY copies, and they can certainly be utilized by scholars for some analysis. John Barr Tompkins (1942) published an unreadable photo version of the Fernandez Leal. In any case, seeing the originals is essential because, for example, the Porfirio Diaz has written text which does not ap- pear in the facsimile and the printed Fernandez Leal has only 15 instead of 20 ancestral houses in the copy of an important section. The Porfirio Diaz contains 2 different sections. One is a historic section which is very closely (with exceptions of minor detail) paralleled by the Fernandez Leal (see Tables 1 and 2). The other section is, in part, an incomplete ritual "book of the count of the days," a religious text of calen- dric counts, rituals, and mythic ancestral beings or deities, which was never painted in color. Originally it was in black and white with some red lines here and there. The last time I saw it, in 1976, the red lines had become practically invisible, and it required a strong light and magnifying glass to see their traces. In this paper I will not deal in detail with the so-called religious section, which requires a separate treatment. This section is actually the only one which has been studied in a serious man- ner. Although there is no complete analysis, Seler (1963), Beyer (1912), Nicholson (1966), and Nowotny (1961) have all commented adequately on some of the religious materials contained in it. The historical sections of both Porfirio Diaz and Fernandez Leal, however, are altogether another matter. Neither one has been properly analyzed. Chavero (1892), Penafiel (1895), and Tompkins (1942) all have produced commentaries of a dubious and usually ridiculous nature. Villacorta (1934) follows Chavero with even further nonsense. Chavero and Tompkins, in par- ticular, invented stories and place names, which they then pasted over the pictorials themselves, without much rhyme or reason; they have the people migrating from Guatemala to northern Mex- ico (sometimes reversing the actual feet marks and town names!); Tompkins "sees" place names in Nahuatl, which he misreads and misspells; and he states that the F. Leal Codex, which has no written language but only picture glyphs, is of the "Mixtecan-Zapotecan linguistic stock." He also moves the Cuicatec all over the map of Mesoamerica. This is an excellent example of imaginative writing under the guise of scholarship. Table 1. Place Names of the Porfirio Diaz Codex with Correlates in the Fernandez Leal Codex and Other Documents. Porfirio Diaz Codex Written in P. Diaz in Proper contem- Contemporary name (Ca. and F. Leal Codex Latin Script or Pic- porary spellingb 1963-1964). Meaning in Eng- Facsimile Pages in torial Writinga lish and present geographic order of appearance location plus other rele- vant notes C / XII R llodoya yfiduf yan (C.) "Town's Plain" or "Grass llaniy Hill." Located below the site (pages A & B not Battle scene* of the present C. Papalo readable) township; missing from the F. Leal. D / F. Leal Codex tiko llallay 7ikuyaai (C.) "Gourd Hill" or "Gourd present original lay viylla Plain"-Tecomaxtlahuaca; illegible pp. XI and XR near the Grande River in the Cuicatlan District. With the spelling llay viylla it appears in the 1562 document. Here begin the top- A Water House (F.L.) or 7ikuichnui (C.) The word means "Wide onymics of one side a Water Dam* (P.D.) River," a feeder stream of F. Leal numbered underneath which it reads of the Rio Grande, probably X R in the facsimile hicochan, and a river is the Vueltas River. "pages." painted below, across page D. Hicochan appears to refer to the river 676 [Vol. 43, No. 4,1978]
REPORTS Table 1. Continued. Porfirio Diaz Codex Written in P. Diaz in Latin Proper Contemporary Contemporary name, English and F. Leal Locations Script or Pictorial Writinga Spelling meaning, location and notes E / F. Leal? E / XR In P. Diaz, with a hole & partly erased pictograph. In F. Leal appears complete. An extra piece (p. XIIR) of the F. Leal, in existence at the time the facsimile was made, is now missing. F / XR, IX R G/VIII R White Shoots, Wind Hill?* Hill with Gourd on top* Smooth Green Snake Hill* Kodono (1562) Battle scene* Hill with Hummingbirds* Land of Plant Shoots* Tecomatepetl?? nduinukiu (C.) kuiindunui Kuiikwee (C.) Tepeucila (N) Quiotepec (N) In F. Leal toponymics of ? Two Hills, one with White Shoots, one with Circular Shield. In P. Diaz, only a House with Water Droplets below* ? Water overflowing from Atlatlau(h)ca (N.) Red Lined vessel shaped "Aguas Corrientes like the Mouth of the Earth entre Quebradas" (S.) Monster.* In the Mendo- cino Codex (pp. 7 and 27) the vessel is simplified and the water red. The F. Leal also has a dark stone underneath. Hill with a Mask Attached* Hill of Bird (a crow?)* written next to it the words Jayacatlan (N) Tututepetongo or Cacalotepec (N.) from tototl =bird (or cacalotl = crow) tepetl =hill and co= "in the place of" Another unreadable top- onymic in pictograph, plus "Gourd Hill" again. In the 1562 document it appears spelled Kodono and with the Spanish names Culebra Verde ("Green Snake") or Cerro Pel6n ("Bald Mountain"). Drawing complete only in F. Leal Codex. This is a major mountain peak in the south central section of the Cui- catec District (see Map, Fig- ure 1). "Hill land of Humming- birds." Today Tepeucila, municipal capital in the south central section of the Cuicatec District. A pre- hispanic major city-state. Quiotepec, a hamlet of the Municipality of Cuicatlan, located north of it. (See Figure 1 for both.) Between pictures below an unreadable picture of a "Water House." In F. Leal and P. Diaz the position is reversed. There are alternate transla- tions. The Mendocino Codex gloss reads "Place of Red Water." The Relaci6n gives the literal translation "Run- ning Waters between Deep Ravines or Gorges." This is basically the same as the Cuicatec meaning of "River in a Narrow Canyon." Atlatlauca is a major town in the southernmost area of the West section of the Cuicatec district. "The Land of Masks." Town located next to Atlatlauca, still called Jayacatlan. Either one today means "Hill Place of Birds" or "Hill of Crows." Both are hamlets in the southwestern section of the Municipality of Cuicatlan, Cuicatec District, north of the turn of the Rio Grande. 677
AMERICAN ANTIQUITY Table 1. Continued. Porfirio Diaz Codex Written in P. Diaz in Latin Proper Contemporary Contemporary name, English and F. Leal Locations Script or Pictorial Writinga Spelling meaning, location and notes H /VII R juliacava Unreadable pictograph which appears to be a monstrous cave-mouth with teeth. In the P. Diaz a Tall Hill, Narrow, with House on Top* underneath it reads tyicicoifio [ticucunino (1562)]; letters are upside- down to the right of picture. (sic) 7ikfi(ku)ninyo (C.) also 7ikuikwen or Kwe7kwen (C.) I-J / VI and V R J / VR K / IV R L / III R M Armadillo Hill* next to a battle scene with gladiatory and volador game. This is a descriptive historic picture, not a toponymic. Dolonay written atop ? sacrificial victims Hill with Two Flags* next is written conllonee ?? (sic) Piedras Blancas* (5) Same spelling in S. (1562 document too) In C. it is ya tiako. (located later in P. Diaz in In Spanish also called relation to F. Leal). Pefia Blanca. todiaia t66/nyan (C.) A Smoking House* Hill with a Stone Arch* (in F. Leal stones are white; see above) A Large House or Temple surrounded by 20 little houses* below it a House with Seating Jaguar* ? Cheyia dicoho (sic?) writ- ten in big colored letters, upside down, in P. Diaz; below it appears a white stone crossed by black wavy lines* (see above Piedras Blancas). Untranslatable. In the P. Diaz this is occupied by a purposefully made hole in the manuscript. Cannot be located with pre- sent information. The picture and words all mean "Tall Hill" or "Hawk" or "Star Hill," but the hiero- glypic in the P. Diaz shows a narrow, tall and thin hill. In one reading of the 1562 document it is called, in Spanish, Cerro Alto, which also means "Tall Hill." This mountain is located in the municipio of Los Reyes Papalo, and in Spanish is, to- day, called Cerro Delgado which means "Thin Hill.". Unidentified in my maps and not recognized by contempor- ary informants consulted. Unidentified. Unidentified. A small hamlet north of C. Papalo, near San Lorenzo Papalo (Yepaltepec) "White Stones or Rocks." "Fire Rampart" or "Fire Gorge"; a geographic land- scape feature in C. Papalo. A major landmark, but not a hamlet. Mythic Ancestral Place of the Cuicatec popula- tions, with the 20 original ancestors. "Ancestor" and "twenty" are Cuicatec homophones, a mythic pun. (Notice that the motif "Smok- ing House" and "Jaguar" are merged in the F. Leal, being "a Smoking Jaguar in Front of a House.") Incompletely translatable "Pieces of ... ? ..." Unidentified in present records [Vol. 43, No. 4,1978] 678
REPORTS Table 1. Continued. Porfirio Diaz Codex Written in P. Diaz in Latin Proper Contemporary Contemporary name, English and F. Leal Locations Script or Pictorial Writinga Spelling meaning, location and notes M / End of one side of the F. Leal Codex. First figure is half on M, half on N. Hill of a Half Moon and Human Legs* Above it reads chentillo; this is spelled chentiloone (C.) in the 1562 document, also Boca de Aire (S.) na 7ikii chendIyfin6 (C.) Boca de Aire (S.) (Place where a scene of a conference and sacri- fice takes place). All of these forms in Cui- catec or Spanish mean "Wind Front" or"Wind Face" or "Wind Mouth" or metaphorically, "The Wind Exit." A landmark north of the Concepcion Papalo township. Llachoguey alternatively: luo cuey 1562 llanguey docu- llaocuaoguey ment Scene of a conference of leaders and a sacrifice. Picture of a short, green water stream* below it reads Rio Seco. In the 1562 document it reads Arroyo Seco. In the P. Diaz Codex, the stream ends at the feet of a warrior. Pictograph of a light* brown, earth circle. Top reads: Sultaba; to the left it reads: Tierra Blanca (S.) yuidiu Kwee7 (C.) Llano Verde (S.) Rio Seco Arroyo Seco (S.) Stab, Chidaba? (C.) Tierra Blanca (S.) "Green Plain" a landmark near the Temascal and Crab springs, in the vicinity of the contemporary hamlet of San Francisco Nogales, north of the municipal capital of C. Papalo. "The Dry Brook" or "The Dry River." A small inter- minent seasonal stream between Papalo and Cuicat- lan near Quiotepec. This and following picture are are reversed in the P. Diaz and F. Leal Codices (Also called Rio Sendo?) Pictograph of Tierra Blanca below? "Heart" or "Soul"? This is a word probably out of place and it is not a toponymic but a reference to the bleeding heart of the sacrificial vic- tim in the nearer picture scene? (page N. of P. Diaz). Names of lands near the pre- sent township of Tlalixtac (N.), which also means, like in Spanish, "White Earth." This section is missing at one end of the (Tira) Strip of the F. Leal Codex. Here ends missing F. Leal Section llodoyu below appears a Yellow Snake* but the rest of the toponymic has been cut out. In the 1562 document it is spelled Iloodo chevu. naichie Dihicochi (large colored letters) yudu Cheve (C.) ny7ia ichia? (C). "Cheve's Plain." Lands within the highest barrio of Papalo, near the Plateau of Cheve's Moun- tain, the highest Cuicatec peak. This plateau is today also called Llano Espaniol (S.)=Spanish Plain (See Figure 1.) ... cold Land (of...).. ? The rest untranslatable at present from my materials. N / XI O / IR? 679
AMERICAN ANTIQUITY Table 1. Continued. Porfirio Diaz Codex Written in P. Diaz in Latin Proper Iontemporary Contemporary name, English and F. Leal Locations Script or Pictorial Writinga Spelling meaning, location and notes Start of F. Leal reversed side, cor- related with page P of P. Diaz P / nothing in F. Leal. llagunchigui (written above a scene of sacrifice). Below it there is a cut hole where a topo- nymic is missing in the P. Diaz Untranslatable from my materials. There are major differences in the two codices' scenes. In the P. Diaz the pole for the "volador" game has an emp- ty platform. In the F. Leal the dancers are atop of it, dressed as birds with masks. It appears that the P. Diaz sacrificial victim on the gladiatory game is a male, and in the F. Leal a female indicated by rounded breasts. higuachia, 7ingwiya7 (hicoguilla in the 1562 (C.) document) Here there is an unreadable pictograph in the P. Diaz, completely missing in the F. Leal Codex. A Painted Hand in the La Mano Middle of a Water Stream* Pintada (S.) (M. Gracida, 1883). An earth field, * dark with white dots (starry sky?) . gulai . . .(sic)? Hill of Shoots* In the F. Leal a River with a Shield in the middle A Bat Hill* Quiotepec (N.) Zinacantepec Coyula (N.) or Cuyullapa (N.) "Land of Native Cherries" or "Land with waters which sound like crotals." Note the word for bell or native cherry is a homonym based on a metaphor in both languages Cuicatec and Nahuatl. Coyula is a hamlet of Cuicatlan, located north of it. "The Painted Hand." Name of the landmark at the confluence of the San Loren- zo (Yepaltepec) Papalo and the Rio Grande, between the old municipalities of Papalo and Cuicatlan. Today within the lands of Cuicatlan. Unknown, unidentifiable today. Untranslatable, in- complete "Hill of Shoots," Quiotepec. Northernmost Western hamlet of the present muni- cipio of Cuicatlan. ? "Bat Hill." This town was relocated and is, today, called Chiquihuitlan ("Place of Round Baskets"). There is a contemporary myth which explains the change of name and relocation. In the P. Diaz Codex this place name is missing, and there is a hole cut purposefully. Q / x, IX R / VIII 680 [Vol. 43, No. 4,1978] ?
REPORTS Table 1. Contini!ed. Porfirio Diaz Codex Written in P. Diaz in Latin Proper Contemporary Contemporary name, English and F. Leal Locations Script or Pictorial Writinga Spelling meaning, location and notes Tall Terraced Place in House of Snake* S, T, U / V, IV Here ends one side of the P. Diaz Place of Butterfly* Place of Water Dam with guard atop a sluice* Papalo (N.) Duv66 (C.) A battle scene in Quiotepec lands? Unidentified. A major battle scene takes place here. It appears to be a landscape description rather than a place name. "Butterfly." Nahuatl name of the town of Papalo. In this position it only appears in the F. Leal Codex tira. It seems to indicate the origin place of the soldiers in prior battle scene. The dam with the guard are also missing in the P. Diaz. The P. Diaz pages of this section are badly damaged and unreadable. The butterfly is inside an earth-water ring. In the P. Diaz there is a cut hole here, but a little of the place name can still be seen, suggesting that it is Tepeucila ("The Land of Hummingbirds"). In the F. Leal there is here a place name which appears like a curlicued cloud. There are a couple of male/female figures apparently in the standard seated position indicating a wedding or marriage. It is possible that the scene corresponds with the description in the 1562 document of the marriage alliance between a noblewoman of Tepeucila and a man of Papalo, to create peace between the towns after a land fight. This whole section is completely missing in the F. Leal Codex. It is apparently a pic- ture of the landmarks and place names of the boundaries of the hamlet of San Loren- zo (Yepaltepec) Papalo. This is today a hamlet of the municipality of Papalo, located north of it, and the "ownership" or succession rights over this town lands and water was the main topic of the 1562 document. Out of 10 boundary markers half appear listed by name in the 1562 document of the court case. Place of the Butterfly* Papalo (tepec) Duv6o "Hill of Butterfly" or simply "Butterfly." The Town of C. Papalo. In this scene a major meeting of noblemen takes place. The name place appears in a prior location (p. V) in the F. Leal. In this position the but- terfly is atop of a hill with a house. A long text in colored letters, very large in size, appears here. It is apparently writ- ten in Cuicatec, but I have not yet been able to translate it. Starts the religious section of the P. Diaz, in black and white. Note: Pages U', T' S' and R' of the Porfirio Diaz contain an empty or "title page," a battle scene, illegible, which is at the opposite end of the F. Leal Tira; the piece was apparently torn off and separated, and it is now missing from the original at the Bancroft Library of U.C.B. The conference of seated lords in the P. Diaz is also missing in the F. Leal. aWhen indicated by an asterisk, the words represent an iconographic pictorial description. bC = cuicalec, in my phonemic transcription; N = Nahuatl in standard source spelling; S = Spanish in cor- rect written Spanish orthography. Notice that ly/ in earlier Spanish stood sometimes for the semivowel y, sometimes for i [as in English seed /sid/], and sometimes, in several dialects for ] as in Argentinian Spanish Kaba[o (caballo = horse). Also 11 often was used as the spelling of y. When in italics a name appears both in let- ters and pictograph in the P. Diaz Codex. S / VI P' / III 0' N' M', L', K' 681
AMERICAN ANTIQUITY Table 2. Correspondence-Correlation of Scenes From the Porfirio Diaz and Fernandez Leal Codices. Folio in Folio in Porfirio Diaz Fernandez Leal Evidence Notes A ? Unreadable in P. Diaz XII Reverso XI Reverso, X R Part of X Reverso IX Reverso VIII Reverso VII Reverso VI Reverso V Reverso IV Reverso IV Reverso and III Reverso II Reverso I Reverso? Missing section X, IX Recto Continues IX Recto plus VIII Recto VII and VI Recto V Recto IV Recto IV Recto continues, plus III Recto Fernandez Leal pictures end here, while Porfirio Diaz continues the story In Fernandez Leal date is 7 Deer Year 11 Wind Year 12 Grass Porfirio Diaz has a hole cut here The year names do not coincide, one being 11 Deer the other 12 Movement (Olin) Year 13 Movement Scene in IV reverso appears later in Porfirio Diaz, p. M In the Fernandez Leal copy there are 15 instead of 20 houses marked in this location but the original has 20, the last row faint, and somewhat erased Year 3 Wind; In Fernandez Leal Year 5 Grass, while Porfirio Diaz has 12 Movement. Porfirio Diaz Codex here looks as if date has been written by two different hands and corrected to look like Movement In Porfirio Diaz a place name is cut off here Day Signs do not coincide-Porfirio Diaz Year is 3 Deer In Porfirio Diaz figure is blurred Porfirio Diaz has a cut-off hole in a place name Porfirio Diaz has no visible date, but Fernandez Leal gives Year 10 Movement Too erased to be read Empty title page of strip Porfirio Diaz Year 6 Deer; in the Fernandez Leal date is 12 Deer and later 10 Wind Porfirio Diaz has a section cut off here Here appears a strange toponymic with a ball of thorns and a tiger head Porfirio Diaz has a hole in the place name Tepeucila Porfirio Diaz has a hole where probably, by small remains of birds one can read the place name Cacalotepec or Tututepetongo ("Bird Hill Place" or "Crow Hill") or Tepeucila ("Hill Land of Humming- birds") Page written in Latin script, colored, with un- translated Cuicatec text Here starts the religious section of the codex which does not have a parallel in the Fernandez Leal Codex Note: The letters and roman numerals are from the facsimile editions of the codices, and have been preserved to facilitate comparisons. The Porfirio Diaz is a screenfold manuscript, so, in a sense, it has pages. The Fernandez Leal original, however, is a single strip of the type called Tira in Spanish. Therefore, only the printed copy has anything resembling pages. B C D E F G H I K L M and N 0 p Q R S T, U, and V U' T' S' Q' P' o' N' M', N', K ' 682 [Vol. 43, No. 4, 1978]
REPORTS 683 ~- ? \ Teculula(sic) \ zan SCOATZOSPAN /.<*^ ^ \ 1 ^ (^(Tecolo lan) tat n c nte p Los Cues . Tlequacco ' \ . . ...(sic). (B,CHIQUIHUlILAN \y.--""*"r?? TEUTI(f)LA(N) CUYAMECALCO i : Auctan . *TEOTILALPAN COMAVAC . Tecuittepec ' flalixtac . Ae o ao ' PeaBanca ICheve's Plain) . f^.Ou. 'C?y."'^ e Bn Llano Espa;nof \ *- ONocpala Teopatongo Q p , e Pe Blonca cno EspanlVE J \ L Nopl0 Soneo L San Lorenzo ILlano Verde) A . S on pr U : "o'4 P6 palo *S. Francisco .. MOUNTAI _/ .../La." /,ecanatianuisco - IXATLMona ~ CONCEPCION/ e ilacuatzintepec IXCATLAN p .n A y v *. ^J^^-^ Ouetzalapa n ~"~..- San Cuyamecalco . poAitla . , .-\Antonio Juan 0 OS REYES PA PALO Zopotilan Analco UICATLAN A (ate c CULEBRA VERDE / *Cer*e\ gaCerr o o OR / : / J PELON MOUNTAIN/ TEPEUCILA ~ * - - -' / / *? * /1 \ 1/) .?/ \f L/ / \ ^??*^'^ j V^ ^ '^Tututepetong? tlocoMa Xocatepec I /^ ~ ~/ I2 ~ ~~~~~~~~ ^S.'**'~xtactepexi xc- \ g*APOALA | I Alpizagua Malinaltepec (Original Ancestral Town / Mixtec Codices) \ Acontepec O \Sochiapan . Huitzapa O Cuicatec Region \ ATLATAUC HuitziltengoO \ ATLATLAUCA : Approximate Areas Covered by Colonial Maps and Pictorial Manuscripts Cotahuiztcia \ ----- Mop of Atlatlauca ............... Map of Ixcotlan (ex-Abin) | . Codex of Ouiotepec * .. .* r . ? . Codex of Tlacuotzintepec 1 ........................... Codices Porfirio Oiz and F Leal I \ O Extincto Retocited Towns . * * Sixteenth Century Towns and Hamlets in their \ Jayacatlan - present location. Note: For Mazatec. Mixtec and Chinontec Neighbors, see Cline,H. 1961 \ _ -- and 1963, Codex Vindobonensis , Nuttal and Borgia Codex Group . I *-- Figure 1. Approximate areas covered by the colonial maps and pictorial manuscripts of the Cuicatec district. The fact is that the Porfirio Diaz and the Fernandez Leal codices are about a very short historical period in a very small place-the Cuicatec District, an area about 30 km long (see Figure 1). Both codices are in all likelihood early post-Colonial, by stylistic criteria. The Fernandez Leal appears to be older in style and less "hispanicized." But both are probably copies of an older prehispanic document, which has since been lost. The Fernandez Leal Codex does preserve some of the orginial art style in figure proportions and postures, more even lines, balanced page designs, and other elements of prehispanic elegance. However, it has also been mutilated by rough handling and sewing and some superimposed painting in a darker ink. For example, in the date of 10 Flint of facsimile page R, the circles of the number have been redrawn, badly, in darker ink.
AMERICAN ANTIQUITY Artistically, the Porfirio Diaz is a poor codex indeed. The symbol for the year, for example, is often painted wrong and with overlapped lines. This was done by someone badly trained in the pictorial arts, quite an amateur, probably a man who had been only a Calmecac student at the time of the conquest. He was probably copying from another document and skipped or changed important designs. It is likely that in 1545 his skills were used to reproduce the original codex for use in the first Tasacion succession claim because there were no other painters around. The court case states that there were only 2 local codex painters alive in 1562. The style of words and let- ters of European origin, moreover, testifies both in Cuicatec and Spanish to the late mid-sixteenth century origin of this document. The Porfirio Diaz and Fernandez Leal both deal with the topic of a community war about water rights on a local Cuicatec stream used for irrigation. A battle was fought over this water, long before the Spanish conquest, between Cuicatecs and Mazatecs (Hunt 1972). Later rights of suc- cession were based on the outcome of this battle, which gave prior possession rights to the Cuicatec versus the Mazatec people and their ruled rs. In the Fernandez Leal Codex, in the first bat- tle sections (which the facsimile edition numbers pages VI and VII Reverse), the soldiers of each side are distinguished by their hair styles. The following page of a ritual human sacrifice (V-R, since the numbering is reversed) also follows the same pattern. The Cuicatec figures wear their hair in a tufted top, tied by a ribbon. The others (Mazatec?) wear their hair in a simple "pageboy" style. In the sacrifice scene the sacrificers and audience seem to be Cuicatecs, with their tufted hair, while the victim wears the other (Mazatec?) style of hair. In the other battle pages (IV, V, VI and VII Obverse), the same hair distinctions apply, but it is the soldiers who come from the Cuicatec town of Papalo who wear the pageboy hair style. Therefore, the hair style is not a consistent indicator. Again, other scenes do not distinguish bat- tling actors by the hair style at all. This seems to be another indication that the painter was copying from another document, which had conventions of drawing that he did not completely understand. This reaffirms the middle to late sixteenth century date that I posit for the documents. This dating is also supported by the line style, which tends to be cursive, like European writing, with uneven- ness in the thickness of borders, as if drawn with a European plume. Weapons, clothing, and other details, however, are purely native in conception and execution. The differences in hair style are also found in the Porfirio Diaz, but there is even less consistency, which also indicates that this document is a later, less well-executed copy. In any case, it is obvious from their content that the codices were designed to cover the historic background of battles and conquests of a royal house which provoked the succession case of Dona Cacica Catarina Salome in 1562. The document of her court case, which is on microfilm at the col- lection of the Instituto Nacional de Antropologia, bears witness to this effect, by stating that the codices were used together with tasaciones as "proof" of the legitimacy of claims and descent. There are several other lines of evidence. First, the place names mentioned by witnesses, who are reading from the document or recalling the verses which accompanied the recitation of its history, all fit the Porfirio Diaz and Fernandez Leal codices, including small place names of insignificant geographic features or landmarks which are still called by the same names by today's Cuicatecs (see Table 1). Second, the noble lords who are named in the pages of the written documents of 1562 also appear on the pages of other documents in the Archivo General de la Nacion of Mexico and the Relaciones de la Nueva Espanfia for Cuicatec towns; many of these also appear with their hieroglyphic names in the Porfirio Diaz and Fernandez Leal Codex. There are other noblemen who are not mentioned in the documented genealogies written in Latin script, but who appear in the codices (see Table 3). Either these were not directly involved in the succession line, or perhaps the sixteenth-century witnesses could not translate or "read" their names. Personal names ap- pear detached from the human figures, either above or to the side of the heads. Calendric names are missing. In one odd case, the noncalendric name "Ball Court" appears with the number 7 in- dicated by dots. This suggests that the painter(s) did not fully understand the Precolumbian nam- ing system. 684 [Vol. 43, No. 4, 1978]
REPORTS Table 3. Names of Personages in the Porfirio Diaz Codex and Related Documents. Description of Pictorial Name in Spelling in other the Porfirio Diaz written sources Meaning Related Notes on Evidence 1 Jaguar Dressed Tecuantecuhtli Capitan Leon 2 Shield (Crossed) 3 Seven Ball-Game Court 4 Undulant Move- ment-Hand 5 Snake 6 Snake-Half Shield 7 Smoking Shield 8 Long-Lips-and-Sun- Crowned-Head (Quet- zalcoatl Face?) 9 Branch (in P. Diaz) Red Flowering Bough (In F. Leal) 10 Half-Red Face 11 Atlatlauca 12 Bird (Crow or Parrot? Parrot more likely) 13 White Hair Head 14 Written in Latin script: camaoia 15 Twisted Jade Rope 16 (Flint) Stone or (Black and Red) Stone Chimaltecuhtli Cuetlaxtecuhtlia Coatecuhtli Cuhuantecuhtli (sic) Xuchiltlapano Alias El Roto Carnivore Lord Wild Beast Lord Lion Captain Lord Shield (from Chimal = Shield in Nahuatl) Lord of the Ball Court Building From kwe: pyramid public building; tlaxtli: ball court; and tecuhtli: lord Lord Snake Lord Snake ? or same as 1? Lord Broken Flower Branch Name of the town of Atlatlauca Name of the town of Tututepetongo or Cacalotepec (?) Caminaa Iztecuhtli or Ixtecuhtli (Sic) "Cuicatec Words" Lord Obsidian Stone or Black Stone Lord 17 Eagle Dressed 18 Small Brown Animal 19 Half-Crown Shield 20 Smooth Green Snake 21 Unnamed Lady of Twisted Ribboned Hair seated in Tur- quoise colored House The house only ap- pears in the F. Leal. In P. Diaz she is seated in a stool. Fernandez Leal; PNE, IV:185; Cacique of Cuicatlan, Ca. 1510 Fernandez Leal; 1562 Document; Lord of Papalo-Huiztepec, Ca. 1520 1562 Document, Ruled Cacalo- tepec and Quiotepec. Also in Fernandez Leal Codex Also in Fernandez Leal Codex Fernandez Leal; 1562 Document; Codex Quiotepec; Ruler of Quio- tepec between 1485-1511 In Fernandez Leal Codex In Fernandez Leal Codex (Same as Half-Crown-Shield?) Fernandez Leal; 1562 Document; Lord of the Papalo Capital Also Fernandez Leal Codex Probably indicates witness lord from Atlatlauca. Also in Fernandez Leal May represent the witness lord from Tututepetongo (or Cacalotepec) Also in the Fernandez Leal Codex PNE, IV:95. Ruler of Tepeucila Ca. time of Aztec entry. Also appears in the Fernandez Leal Codex Fernandez Leal; 1562 Document; also PNE; IV:90. Ruled several subjects of Papalo immediately before Aztec conquest. Appears also in the Fernandez Leal Codex -? Unclear if a name of person is meant. Also in Fernandez Leal Codex- Same as Number 8? [Same as Coatecuhtli above?? or same as Quetzalcoatl face below No. 8] Since this folio appears to indi- cate a marriage taking place in Tepeucila the Lady may be Dofia Catarina Salome herself. 685
AMERICAN ANTIQUITY Table 3. Continued. Description of Pictorial Name in Spelling in other the Porfirio Diaz written sources Meaning Related Notes on Evidence 22 Bird-Head Snake Quetzalcoatl Face, same as above appearing as Long Lips and Crowned Head? with Tail Feathers or same as green smooth snake? He marries the Lady of Twisted Ribboned Hair- (Quetzalcoatl?); Possibly then, No. 8, No. 20 and No. 22 may be synonyms or similar personal (in Fernandez names. Leal it is clearer) 23 Rabbit (?) Head Toxtecuhtli Lord Rabbit There are three different men of Tecohtoxtli this name: Tecuhtoxtli 1. Lord of Quiotepec, Baptized Don Francisco Cortez, Ruled Ca. 1511-1523; Quiotepec Codex. 2. Lord of Papalo-Yepaltepec, Received First Cuicatec Tasacion from the Spanish Government. Appears in 1562 Document. Baptized as Don Martin. 3. Son of #2. Baptized Don Loren- zo. Born 1527, died 1558. Received Tasacibn from Teutila Spanish Officers. Husband of Dofia Cata- rina Salome, and perhaps the same as above named Bird-Head- Snake? 24 Red Star Citlaltecuhtli Star Lord 1562 Document-Ancestral Lord, Ascendant of all others 25 Earth Monster - Also in Fernandez Leal (Cipactli) Note: Notice that of 25 possible distinct named personages in the historic section only of the pictorial Codex Porfirio Diaz (and Fernandez Leal), nine have been definitely identified with identical name, as known noble rulers, which appear in other written manuscript documents of the period, including the Relaciones de Nueva Espafna, the court case of 1562, and the Quiotepec Codex. For more information on these persons, see Eva Hunt (1972). aIn my 1972 monograph I erroneously translated this name as "Lord Leather," which corresponds with the spelling. But the named pictorial obviously uses morphemic devices to indicate the complete name. Third, the written documents said that the codices contained a history of approximately 10 men's lives (of 26 years each) or of 5 "centuries" of 52 years. This gives a sacred Mesoamerican count of 260 years. In the Porfirio Diaz Codex there are 3 possible readings of the real dates. The most likely give 263 years. Two readings appear possible from the fascimile because the last figure is unclear, close to invisible and could be excluded. Another reading is possible from the original because what appears as 1 Wind in the facsimile looks like 11 Wind in the original. (Ten dots that are invisible in the facsimile appear very faintly in the original). The 3 different readings give figures of 263 years, 280 years, and 226 years. The comparative sections of the Fernandez Leal give only 96 years, but we must remember that the Porfirio Diaz covers a longer historic sec- tion that continues after the Fernandez Leal stops. It is obvious from the condition of the Fer- nandez Leal manuscript that an end piece of it is missing, which may account in part for the dif- ference in dates (Tables 4 and 5). It seems more likely, however, that either the documents use dif- ferent calendars or that the dates were falsified in one of them to confuse the court officials. Cer- tainly, in the F. Leal Codex many dates have overlapped redrawn numbers and even signs are in palimpsest. What is most striking is that Cacica Donia Catarina Salome argued in court that the codices had been defaced by her enemy, to destroy the proof of her son's legal rights. Clearly, this has 686 [Vol. 43, No. 4, 1978]
REPORTS Table 4. Basis of Calendric Calculations: The Cuicatec "Century" of 52 Years, Using the Years Wind, Deer, Grass and Movement plus 13 numerals. 1 Wind 1 Deer 1 Grass 1 Movement 2 Deer 2 Grass 2 Movement 2 Wind 3 Grass 3 Movement 3 Wind 3 Deer 4 Movement 4 Wind 4 Deer 4 Grass 5 Wind 5 Deer 5 Grass 5 Movement 6 Deer 6 Grass 6 Movement 6 Wind 7 Grass 7 Movement 7 Wind 7 Deer 8 Movement 8 Wind 8 Deer 8 Grass 9 Wind 9 Deer 9 Grass 9 Movement 10 Deer 10 Grass 10 Movement 10 Wind 11 Grass 11 Movement 11 Wind 11 Deer 12 Movement 12 Wind 12 Deer 12 Grass 13 Wind 13 Deer 13 Grass 13 Movement been in fact the case with the Porfirio Diaz, which has some town hieroglyphics crudely chopped off, hacked out with a blunt instrument like a knife. Luckily, we know some of the towns which belonged in the holes from the complete readings in the Fernandez Leal Codex, but this is not true in all cases. The section of the Porfirio Diaz which does not appear in the Fernandez Leal deals with the more recent history of the noble lines and their wars. It includes a picture of what are probably the boundary markers of the subject village of San Lorenzo Yepaltepec (today San Lorenzo Papalo, a hamlet of the municipio of Concepcion Papalo), which was the subject village over which Cacicazgo rights were being fought in 1562. As the reader can see in the map and tables, practically all geographic sites, villages, and other named settlements appear in the codex. They go as far south as the town of Jayacatlan, "The Land Table 5 Dates in the Porfirio Diaz Codex. Page Date Number of years between dates D 11 Wind E 12 Grass 51 I 11 Deer 51 J 13 Movement 2 L 3 Wind 29 N 12 Movement 35 P 3 Deer 30 S' 6 Deer 16 P' 3 Grass 49 N' (7 Movement?) 17 Note: Total number of years, without dubious last year marker = 263; total number of years with dubious year marker = 280; total number of years reading 1 Wind as first date instead of 11 Wind = 226. Notice that the years of the Cuicatecs are not the Standard Aztec = House, Rabbit, Cane and Flint, but an older correlation which utilizes a previous day as marker, and gives the 4 years as Wind, Deer, Twisted Straw and Movement. The correlation requires a different "bundle of years" of 52 years, to count the appropriate numbers and distances, but the run of the calendar cycle is the same. The Fernandez Leal Codex gives the same years, but different dates, which are: 7 Deer, on page XI, 12 Movement on p. VI, 5 Grass on p. II Rever- so, 10 Movement on p. VII and VI, 12 Deer on p. IV and 10 Wind on p. III. The total number of years in the Fernandez Leal covers a span of 96 years. 687
AMERICAN ANTIQUITY of Masks," and as far north as the town of Quiotepec, "Hill of Young Shoots," at the confluence of the Grande and Salado rivers. They also include the town of Zinacantepec, "Bat Hill," today known under the name of Chiquihuitlan, "Land of Round Baskets." (Cuicatlan itself appears in other codices, such as the Mendocino, but not in the 2 discussed here.) Quiotepec and Zinacantepec were inhabited by Mazatecs and were contestants in the court case of Doiia Catarina over the rights to use the water springs of the subject towns of the Cuicatec city state of Papalo, specific- ally of Yepaltepec (see Fig. 1; see also Cline 1961, 1963). How the history of a few guerrilla battles over water springs, the local foundation of small villages, and the marriages of one of their rulers became the history of mighty migrations across the whole of Mesoamerica, and why a period of approximately 260 years in the history of local provincial Cuicatecs grew to be seen as a saga of the whole postclassic period, can only be answered in terms of the fancifulness of previous scholars. My major and humble task here has been to clean up some of the mess left behind. In future papers I hope to produce a more detailed analysis of t he ethnographic materials which the historic sections contain, and also an analysis of the very valuable religious section, much of which corresponds with present-day Cuicatec In- dians' religious beliefs. These documents, however badly painted or weak as artistic pieces, are rich, invaluable ethnohistoric sources. The ethnohistoric value of the Porfirio Diaz and Fernandez Leal pictorial manuscripts is of two sorts. First, they are unique materials documenting aspects of the life of the Cuicatecs as a distinct ethnic group. For example, they provide corroborative evidence about the territory oc- cupied by Cuicatec city statec states, towns, and hamlet, in relation to the written Relaciones de Nueva Espafia (such as Gallego 1580, Mezquita 1580, and Navarrete 1579) and other early colonial documents. They also provide evidence that the Cuicatecs had a different year sign count than the standard Mesoamerican one. Second, the 2 manuscripts serve to relate the Cuicatec with other Mesoamerican cultural traditions. The major evidence already analyzed and alyzepublish and publshed links the religious or ritual sections of the Porfirio Diaz Codex with pictorial manuscripts from the macro- Mixteca area. Several authors since Seler (1963), such as Nicholson (1966), have shown that many aspects of the black and white ritual side of Porfirio Diaz are parallel to sections of the codices of the "Borgia Codex Group." Nowotny (1961) has also shown that page J' of Porfirio Diaz has a parallel correlation of subject matter with Fonx Mexicain 20 and with a series of pages in the Codex Vindobonensis, in its ritual or religious side. All these authors have suggested in their analyses that some important aspects of the religious systems of the Mixtec and Cuicatec, such as some of the iconography of major deities connected with ritual calendrical counts and cardinal directions in space, are equivalent. Much work, however, remains to be done. In this paper I have only tried to place the documentation of one small ethnic enclave in proper perspective. Acknowledgments. The original of this paper, in a shorter version, was read at the 1976 Annual Meeting of the Society for American Archaeology in St. Louis, Missouri. I am grateful to NSF, which over the years pro- vided research funds that allowed me to see the originals of the Porfirio Diaz and Fernandez Leal Codices. I am grateful also to Nancy Troike, who invited me to give the original paper in 1976. I have also a debt of gratitude to the librarians at the Bancroft Library, Berkeley, California, and to the librarians of the National Museum of Anthropology of Mexico, who made my analysis of the codices possible. Robert Hunt was extreme- ly helpful in discussions of the evidence and the problem of presenting the case in intelligible form. This case study has been reconstructed utilizing several combined anthropological methods and techniques. I have localized towns by reading codex hieroglyphs and modern maps and by consulting contemporary Cuicatec informants, collecting names in phonemic transcription and dictionaries and eliciting all probable meanings. The history of the royal lines and of the Guevera documents was reconstructed by using documents from national and local archives, by interviews with informants in Cuicatlan and members of the Guevara family, and by the use of oral history and mythological or semimythological materials. Particularly useful were the local court archives of Cuicatlan. The location of existing contemporary towns that match Precolum- bian population centers was facilitated by a brief archaeological survey. I am indebted to Robert C. Hunt and Pedro Armillas for their help in surveying the site of Cuicatlan and to Robert Hunt for information from a survey of Atlatlauca, Teutila, and Quiotepec. I am also grateful for the knowledgeable comments of the anonymous reviewer for American Antiquity who noticed several errors, omissions, and ambiguities in my original draft. The map was drawn by Sarah Kain from an original draft prepared by me. 688 [Vol. 43, No. 4,1978]
REPORTS REFERENCES CITED Archivo de Microfilm 1562 Manuscripts, Mexico, Instituto Nacional de Antropologia. Informe Sobre el Pleito de la Cacica Cata- rina, Salome... Historicas, Relaciones de Oaxaca Rollo 142, No. 66, Legajo 55. Barlow, R.H. 1944 Review of Codex Fernandez Leal, by Tompkins (1942). Tlalocan I (3):383-384. Beyer, Hermann 1912 Correcciones del periodo de Venus en los Codices Borgia y Porfirio Diaz. 17th International Congress of Americanists, Mexico, pp. 134-139. Caso, Alfonso 1960 Interpretation of the Codex Bodley 2858. Sociedad Mexicana de Antropologia. Chavero, Alfredo 1892 Antiguedades Mexicanas publicadas por la Junta Columbina. Oficina Tipografica de la Secretaria de Fomento, Mexico. (Vol. l:xi-xix contains a discussion of the Porfirio Diaz Codex.) Cline, Howard 1961 Mapas y Lienzos of the Colonial Chinantec Indians. In Homenaje a Townsend, pp. 49-77. Reprinted in Papeles de la Chinantla No. 3. Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia, Mexico. 1963 Colonial Mazatec Lienzos and Communities, Oaxaca, Mexico. Ms. versions of this manuscript appeared later in Spanish and English. In Spanish it appeared in Actas, International Congress of Americanists, Vol. 25, Mexico City. In English it appeared in Ancient Oaxaca: discoveries in Mexican archaeology and history, edited by John Poddock. Stanford University Press, Stanford. Codice de Quiotepec Late Sixteenth Century. Original framed on exhibit on the walls of the Codex Room, Mexico, Museo Na- cional de Antropologia e Historia. Codice Fernandez Leal Middle Sixteenth Century. Original on exhibit at the Bancroft Library of the University of California at Berkeley. See Penafiel, A., 1895. Codice Porfirio Diaz Middle Sixteenth Century. Original in the Codex Room, Mexico, Museo Nacional de Antropologia e Historia. See Chavero, A., 1892. Codex Vindobonensis Mexicanus I 1963 Published version of a Mexican Pictorial Manuscript located in the National Library in Vienna. Contains a History and Description of the Codex by Otto Adelhofer, Codices Selecti No. 5. Akademische Druch-und Verlagsantalt, Graz, Austria. Gallego, Juan 1580 Relacion de Cuicatlan. In Papeles de la Nueva Espana, IV:183-189 (1914 Edition of Paso y Troncoso). Hunt, Eva 1972 In The prehistory of the Tehuacan Valley, Vol. IV, edited by R. McNeish, pp. 162-259. University of Texas Press, Austin. Martinez, Gracida (Editor) 1883 "Cuadros Sinopticos ... de Oaxaca." Anexo 50 a la Memoria Administrativa del Congreso de Dici- embre de 1883. Imprenta del Estado, Oaxaca, Mexico. Mezquita, Francisco de la 1580 Relacion de Atlatlauca y Malinaltepec. In Papeles de la Nueva Espana, IV:163-176 (1914 Edition of Paso y Troncoso). Navarrete, Pedro de 1579 Relacion de Papalo (y Tepeucila) y su Partido. In Papeles de la Nueva Espana, IV:88-99. (1914 Edi- tion of Paso y Troncoso). Nicholson, Henry B. 1966 The problem of the provenience of the members of the "Codex Borgia Group": A summary. In Suma Antropologica en Homenaje a Roberto J. Weitlaner, pp. 145-158. Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia, Mexico. Nowotny, Karl A. 1961 Tlacuilolli - Die Mexikanischen Bilderhandschriften stel und Inhalt. Mit einem Katalog der Codex - Borgia - Gruppe. Verlag Gebr. Mann, Berlin. Pefiafiel, Antonio 1895 Codice Fernandez Leal. Secretaria de Fomento, Mexico. Seler, Edward 1963 Comentarios al Codice Borgia. Fondo de Cultura Economica, Mexico and Buenos Aires. Smith, Mary Elizabeth 1973 Picture writing from ancient Southern Mexico: Mixtec place signs and maps. University of Oklahoma Press, Norman. 689
AMERICAN ANTIQUITY Tompkins, John Barr 1942 Codex Fernandez Leal. Pacific Art Review 2 (1 and 2):39-59. Villacorta, C.J. Antonio 1934 Paginas de la historica pre-colombina de Guatemala, Anales de la Sociedad De Geografia e Historia 11 (1):66-69. Guatemala. Wauchope, Robert (General Editor), and Howard Cline (Volumes Editor) 1972-1975 Guide to ethnohistorical sources. Handbook of Middle American Indians, Vols. 12-15. Univer- sity of Texas Press, Austin. THE INITIAL SERIES ON STELA 5 AT PIXOY Michael P. Closs The recently discovered Stela 5 at Pixoy is of particular interest because its Initial Series contains lunar glyphs as coefficients for the 3 lowest periods. While lunar glyphs do not appear in any other known Initial Series, they are to be found in other chronological counts. A study of the moon sign usage in these other counts leads to the conclusion that Stela 5 records the Long Count position 9.14.0.0.0 in a nontraditional manner as the Initial Series 9.13.20.0.0. Photographs and drawings of previously unrecorded carved monuments from Itzimte, Pixoy, and Tzum have recently been published in the Corpus of Maya Hieroglyphic Inscriptions, Volume 4, Part 1 (Von Euw 1977). Among the many interesting monuments appearing in this volume is Stela 5 at Pixoy. Eric Von Euw's drawing of the upper part of this stela is shown in Figure 1. A uni- que feature of the Initial Series on Stela 5 is the use of the half-moon glyph as coefficient of the tun, uinal, and kin periods. The terminal date of the Initial Series clearly has a day coefficient of 6 and a month coefficient of 13. The day sign is largely effaced, but there is enough detail surviving to indicate that of the 4 days eligible to occupy the thirteenth month position, namely, Chicchan, Oc, Men, and Ahau, it is the latter which is represented. Thus the Initial Series leads to a Calendar Round date 6 Ahau 13 (?). Since the day name is Ahau, the expectation is that the kin coefficient must be 0. But, if the In- itial Series is translated as 9.13.0.0.0, the terminal date must be 8 Ahau 8 Uo, which is not con- formable with the anticipated date on Stela 5. On the other hand, the Initial Series 9.14.0.0.0, one katun later, leads to the Calendar Round date 6 Ahau 13 Muan, which is of the expected form. Moreover, the remnants of the month glyph and of the variable central element in the Initial Series Introductory Glyph are compatible with the wih e latter date. It may be objected that the katun coefficient on Stela 5 is clearly 13, and that this reading postulates an error in the text. However, it will be seen that there is no error in the Initial Series and that the date recorded by it is indeed 9.14.0.0.0 6 Ahau 13 Muan. While Stela 5 at Pixoy has the only known Initial Series utilizing moon glyphs as coefficients there are other chronological counts in which the usage of moon glyphs is not so rare. Glyphs D and E of the lunar series function as distance numbers, recording the age of the current moon (Thompson 1971: 237-239). Several examples of such moon age counts are shown in Figure 2 a-k. Glyph D appears alone in Figure 2 a-g and following Glyph E in Figure 2 h-k. The half-moon glyph appears as an element in Glyph D in Figure 2 a-d, h, j; the complete moon glyph appears in the Glyph D variants in Figure 2 e, f, g, i, k. Glyph E, which has the value of 20 days, is represented by a full lunar glyph with a single circle or dot in its center. It is shown, preceding Glyph D, in Figure 2 h-k. Michael P. Closs, Department of Mathematics, University of Ottawa, Ottawa, Ontario K1N 6N5 Canada
En pocas palabras
LAS COSAS, LA SITUACIÓN SOCIAL Y POLITICA SIGUE IGUAL O PEOR QUE ANTES.
¡TODO CAMBIÓ, PARA QUE NADA CAMBIARA!
MAPA COLONIAL DE LA REGIÓN DEL DISTRITO DE CUICATLÁN, OAXACA, MÉXICO.
Mapa tomado del artículo: Hunt, E.
The Provenience and Contents of
the Porfirio Diaz and Fernandez Leal Codices:
Some New Data and Analysis.
American Antiquity, Vol. 43, No. 4,
(Oct., 1978), pp. 673-690.
Con la presentación de este mapa el CENTRO DE ESTUDIOS DE LA REGIÓN CUICATECA (CEREC) inicia la presentación de una serie de documentos históricos, mitos, leyendas y cuentos de la región cuicateca, que tenemos en nuestra disposición y que debén ser conocidos por nuestros hermanos y demás personas interesadas en el el estudio y conocimiento de la REGION CUICATECA. 2008.
“Quienes son los amigos del pueblo y como hay que cuidarse de ellos” o
“Quienes son los amigos del pueblo y como hay que cuidarse de ellos” o
algunas precisiones a la familia Linares.
“Un prócer tepeuxileño” solía decir hace algunos años, parafraseando al clásico de Lenin, cuando se refería a las relaciones con los tepeuxieños residentes en la comunidad y los emigrados, que habían en el escenario una serie de pseudotepeuxileños que con el afán de protagonizar se convertían en verdaderos enemigos de la comunidad y de ellos era de quienes había que cuidarse cuando se trataba de hacer trabajo comunitario.
Cuanta razón le asistía, por aquellos años había participado en la conformación de la Asociación de Tepeuxileños Emigrados IÑ CU_ CÂ, A.C., organización que al parecer ahora pretenden desacreditar.
Los primeros años de la historia de la A. C., estuvieron marcados por un trabajo eficaz, no exento de dificultades, pero con éxitos notorios, el trabajo en equipo era el signo que nos caracterizaba, las dificultades iniciaron cuando parte del grupo, en el que participaba el mencionado prócer decidieron boicotear el trabajo de quienes estando en la dirección no respondían a sus directivas, iniciaron con un Secretario general, al cual le hicieron imposible el desempeño de sus funciones, éste en realidad tiene “tan poca m…memoria que ya olvidó esa etapa y ahora se ha convertido en una suerte de jumento de Troya incrustado en ese Ayuntamiento que denostan como producto de la negociación entre caciques, hasta han empezado a realizar reuniones de coordinación con el mismo en el área metropolitana buscando contrarrestar la influencia de la A. C.
Como argumenta la familia Linares, el trabajo de la Asociación fructificó y tuvo su momento cumbre el año 2001, junio para ser precisos en que se celebró el Primer Congreso de Pueblos de la Región Cuicateca, siglo XXI, en la Ciudad de Cuicatlán, lamentablemente la cortedad de miras y el temor generado por los resultados del congreso nos impidió, como equipo, aquilatar apropiadamente el trabajo y continuar construyendo una alternativa regional de organización comunitaria.
Nuestra incapacidad nos pasmó durante al menos tres años y, como mencionan los Linares, a partir de 2005, a invitación de las representaciones comunitarias, Comisariado de Bienes Comunales y Ayuntamiento Constitucional, reiniciamos el trabajo de organización, el equipo del prócer y nosotros, acostumbrados como están al trabajo mesiánico y unidireccional, basados en métodos artesanales, infundios y pseudoclandestinidad, más bien anonimato, se opusieron tajantemente a la revisión autocrítica de los métodos de trabajo y organización impulsados por quienes continuamos en el ejercicio de organización hasta hoy.
En vez del debate abierto e inteligente de ideas que nos permitieran enmendar el camino y con ello corregir los errores, que indudablemente existieron, existen y seguirán existiendo, sólo los que no actúan no se equivocan, prefirieron aislarse, pretendiendo que con ello, ante la falta la luz que ellos proyectaban, el trabajo terminaría por morir de inanición, desafortunadamente para ellos resulto lo contrario y el avance en la organización permitió disminuir las fricciones, al menos con un grupo de quienes detentaban el poder en la comunidad, avanzar en la consolidación del proyecto de la A. C.
Es decir, contrario a lo que pretendían su aislamiento terminó por dejarlos fuera de la jugada, sobre todo porque en su corte de miras no alcanzaron a comprender que la oportunidad de reinsertarse a la comunidad, que forma parte del nuevo proyecto, sólo sería posible al convertirse en comuneros reconocidos, algo por lo demás discutido al interior de la A. C., en diferentes momentos de su historia.
Así su reacción inmediata fue tratar de colocar obstáculos en el camino de la nueva etapa de la Organización, aquí las precisiones para los Linares, sus acciones iniciaron,
entre otras con las siguientes medidas.
· Intentar apropiarse de la razón social y los símbolos de la A. C., los cuales fueron elaborados colectivamente.
· Negarse a entregar la documentación oficial de la A. C., de la cual eran depositarios, obligando con ello a quienes retomamos el trabajo a iniciar una serie de tortuosos trámites notariales y de otra índole, perdiendo valiosos días que bien hubieran podido dedicarse a discutir las diferencias y llegar a acuerdos.
· Boicotear mediante llamadas a los emigrados, participantes de la nueva etapa, los trabajos desalentando su participación o de plano desinformando en torno a los trabajos.
· Alentar reuniones alternas informando a los asistentes que entre ellos y nosotros no había diferencias, es decir que ellos y nosotros trabajábamos en el mismo proyecto.
· Embaucar a algunos emigrados incautos, a quienes se les convocó a una Asamblea, trabajada con un grupo de residentes en Tepeuxila, igualmente interesados en boicotear la participación comunitaria, con el supuesto de entregarles escrituras sobre sus parcelas, en una comunidad en la que eso resulta imposible puesto que la propiedad de a tierra es de régimen comunal. Eso se llama engaño en cualquier lugar.
· Una perla más de este grupo, aunque no la última, se apropiaron de las escasas propiedades de la A. C. y hasta el momento no solo no han informado sobre ello sino que no han entregado a la Asamblea dichas propiedades, en fin no viene al caso continuar con la lista.
En la fase actual de su desesperación y presas de un narcicismo, propio de los anales de la psicología, sobre la cual no abundamos, por no ser nuestra especialidad han retomado sus ataques en contra nuestra y en un ejercicio al más puro estilo de los neofascistas del Yunque han iniciado una guerra de propaganda negra, consideran que apoderándose de simples cuentas de correo y de agendas electrónicas podrán destruir nuestro trabajo, olvidan que la confianza con la que se nos honra de parte de quienes nos conocen no es el resultado de inmundicias verbales o “intelectuales”, como las suyas sino del trabajo honesto y creativo, que aunque no exento de errores, busca recuperar la esencia de la comunidad.
Por nuestra parte no deseamos iniciar una guerra estéril por estos medios, sólo deseamos reiterar que el prócer tenía y tiene razón, de los amigos del pueblo hay que cuidarse, sobre todo cuando como ellos ocultan sus verdaderas intenciones, su objetivo se llama COMISARIADO DE BIENES COMUNALES, el infundio y el pseudoanonimato con el que actúan es de sobra conocido por nosotros, olvidando que entre gitanos no es posible leerse las manos y ellos y nosotros compartimos una misma historia, más aún compartimos una misma familia, tenemos ancestros comunes, los cuales nos enseñaron que la honestidad y el trabajo fecundo crean mejores hombres y mujeres y nosotros estamos decididos a continuar nuestra ruta.
Hacemos patente nuestro compromiso de trabajo y damos por terminado este asunto, en este sentido como decía el quijote:
“DEJAD QUE LADREN LOS PERROS MI QUERIDO SANCHO, ESO [SOLO] ES SEÑAL QUE CAMINAMOS.”
